Anders Fogelclou, Uppsala University

This project has generated two books, Lightning the Spark: the Role of Transformational Institutions (tentative title, forthcoming 2008), Iustus Förlag, Uppsala, and in part the monograph, Per Bergling, Rule of Law on the International Agenda, Intersentia, Antwerpen and Oxford, 2006. There are also various articles and papers published in journals and presented at academic conferences.

Lightning the Spark: the Role of Transformational Institutions

This research monograph is a collective work of Anders Fogelklou, Per Bergling and Katrin Nyman-Metcalf.
The objective of this explorative project is to analyze the contribution of transformational institutions to processes of legal and societal change in unstable, formally democratic states: Latvia, Russian Federation, Thailand and Turkey. The emphasis is on institutions and not on different countries.
The main question is whether a transformational institution, acting alone or in coalition, could make other aspects of society move towards rule of law, clean government, transparency, accountability and a concern for human rights. The term institution denotes an agency or organisation, including its governing rules and actions, which have a mandate or implicit potential to promote democracy and the rule of law.
In the book three such institutions have been analysed: constitutional courts, anti-corruption agencies and media legislation including regulatory framework.

Background and Theoretical Framework

The originality of the project lies in the fact that it looked for concrete examples of a certain kind of dynamism between transformational institutions and the public where media are given an important role. The title "Lightning the Spark" is related to this kind of dynamic paradigm. No well-developed theory has led the investigation but the analysis confirms and builds on research on theories on legal and social development, showing that the assumption of a fairly unproblematic absorption of new law needs to be reformulated or even refuted. The development in Eastern Europe and former Soviet Union demonstrates that many initial theories on 'transition', particularly those designating a certain route to democracy, the rule of law and market economy, have been wrong or in need of modification.

The aim of the book is not primarily explanatory (to identify casual relationships, etc.) or traditionally 'legal-normative' (establish the 'valid law'), but rather explorative, i.e. by means of empirical study of current events to contribute to the debate about the effectiveness of legal transplants and reform institutions. The book emphasises social, and cultural factors, as well as the characteristics of various legal and judicial actors. The methodology employed is multidisciplinary and comparative.

Findings and main results of the research project

The aims of the project have not changed, the objects of study have however not been stable but have been partly transformed during the time of the investigation. As for general internal and external influences, it has been confirmed that there needs to be a constellation of many factors for there to be a positive "lighting of the spark". This is the first general conclusion.

The second conclusion notices the role of individual actors. The first leaders of the Latvian Constitutional Court and anti-corruption agency, KNAB, were committed individuals. In the case of authoritarian political movements, having media support or control, reform institutions could not function as veto powers. This is a third conclusion from the project. In all studies countries constitutional courts have been established as guardians of the constitution. Fairly liberal constitutions exist that protect human rights and freedoms, so the key question is their proper implementation.
The main question in this part of the study has been to analyse how the constitutional courts judges have used their roles as arbiters by interpreting the constitution. Constitutional courts could take a more activist position by expanding constitutional space or a more restrictive position in which constitutional space is not expanded or even narrowed. The Russian Constitutional Court has changed its role and interpretative strategy several times. Some functions of the constitutional courts might be obstacles for reforms.

A general conclusion is that the constitutional courts in Latvia, Russia, Thailand, and Turkey have in general positively influenced the legal system on the legislative and discursive level but the impact is uneven. On the operative level the influence from constitutional courts are much weaker.
Another issue of the study is corruption. The "clean government" paradigm is reflected in an elevation of "anti-corruption" on the transition and development agenda. With regard to the dominating governance paradigm and the institutional approach to anti-corruption, it is noted that many countries favour the creation of a special prosecutor, an anti-corruption commission, hoping that such unpolluted external entities would be able to form "islands of integrity" and take the lead in the fight against corruption. Latvia and Thailand, have established such ostensibly independent anti-corruption agencies. The UN Convention and other high-level instruments provide little direct guidance as to how the respective norms should be made operative in the domestic sphere.

The section concludes that the history of fighting corruption in transitional environments reveals a succession of dominant ideas and corresponding tools. Often new paradigms are introduced as a reaction to the failure of the previous. Although the miracle cure remains to be discovered, this exercise in trial and error contributes knowledge on the limitations of criminal law reforms, campaigns for morality, institutional approaches (courts and anti-corruption agencies), and other state-centred and piece-meal strategies. Currently, many invest great hope in "trust and governance" and believe that the engagement of actors besides and below states will provide new entry points.

A key component in reform is the media. The final section of the book deals with the role of media as a reflector and preferably also as an amplifier of constitutional and legal reforms. If media is to be able to play such a role, legal and practical conditions must exist for independence and pluralism. Media law or related laws are in themselves not enough to create these conditions. Legislation includes constitutional protection of freedom of expression, specific legal regulation of media for both broadcasting and print media) as well as other legislation that indirectly affects media content (defamation legislation, special taboos in law or practice and similar). One key element of a society ruled by the rule of law is that there is legal certainty. For media legislation this existence or absence of certainty is amplified, as an uncertain media will resort to self-censorship. What is new for this analysis is the emphasis on the legal framework for media as an instrument for reform, looking not mainly at the work of media as such but at what it is that enables it to operate in the manner it does.

Media is the main tool of regimes to shape mentality. Mentality influences how people see media and media influences mentalities. Only an active civil society will spread the knowledge obtained by a few through more active media consumption to the broad public. Another key element of mentality, necessary in combating corruption and ineffectiveness, is the possibility to mobilise shame.

Further research questions highlighted by this research
1. One important insight from our study which needs to be explored more deeply empirically and theoretically could be labeled "ambivalent constitutionalism". This concept is related to the fact that the rule of law and its institutional mechanisms, courts, administrative authorities and constitutional courts are used selectively. Sometimes the ambivalence could be found in the main constitutional document as in Turkey.
2. Among the most important conclusions of this project is that individuals within state institutions (courts, administrative organs, independent commissions, etc.) may have great influence over the understanding or reforming of constitutional paradigms. This could be called "constitutional entrepreneurship" Although a constitution in the typical case serves primarily to bind an enduring order, it thus appears that judges and civil servants t may use the room for interpretation and discretion inherent in any system to formulate and implement reforms in the general direction of increased democracy, rule of law and human rights.

B Rule of Law on the International Agenda
This book shows that the history of integrating legal and judicial reform into the projects of development and state building reveals a succession of dominant ideas and dogma. In the development project, the optimistic modernization theories of the Law and Development Movement were soon replaced with theories of path dependency. In the 1980's these theories had to yield to concepts of "good governance", and most recently, there are signs that the overt instrumentality of the "Washington consensus" is being replaced by a more value-laden "post Washington-consensus" idea of governance and law comprising doctrines of the rule of law, human rights and what is called "the social". A similar trend can be discerned in the context of post-conflict reconstruction. Multifunctional "international administrations" have therefore been mandated to "take all means necessary" to build states based on democracy, the rule of law and human rights. Inherent in this idea is that justice, peace and democracy cannot be meaningfully promoted in isolation, but are mutually reinforcing imperatives.

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Printed Newspaper Resources
Bangkok Post (Bangkok) 10 February 2005

Der Spiegel (Hamburg) 16 October 2006

Financial Times (London) 23 September 2005, 11 January 2006

Le Monde (Paris), 5/6 February 2006

The Baltic Times (Riga) 21-27 September 2006.

The Economist (London) "Beware of the watchdog" p 47, 17 August 2002
"Having it both ways" (Special Report), 22 May 2004
"Freedom calls" p 32, 12 June 2004
"Haunted by the past" p 34, 13 November 2004
"Faith in Europe"p 14, 18 December 2004
"Thaksin's way" p 23, 5 February 2005
"Looking to Europe" (Special Report), 19 March 2005
"Censored" p 27, 2 April 2005
"Beginning to face up to a terrible past" p 26, 9 April 2005
"Martial law plus" p 53, 23 July 2005
"The oracle of Lumpini Park" p 59, 17 December 2005
"The Pamuk test", p 36, 24 December 2005
"A blow to Thai democracy" p 14, 8 April 2006
"Goodbye...or au revoir?" p 57, 8 April 2006
"Flying in the wrong direction" p 27, 6 May 2006
"Awaiting judgement" p 62, 6 May 2006
"Flying insults" p 29, 29 July 2006
"Inching towards a new election" p 68, 16 September 2006
"Thailand's dangerous coup"p 10, 23 September 2006
"Old soldiers, old habits" p 27, 23 September 2006
"General's disarray"p 43, 6 January 2007
"How to honour Hrant" p 10, 27 January 2007
"Waving Ataturk's flag"p 29, 10 March 2007
"Dangerous times" p 30, 10 March 2007
"Whose tube?" p 65, 14 April 2007

Electronic Newspaper Resources
www.asiamedia.ucla.edu, various articles from December 2006 to February 2007.
www.pravda.ru,17.10.2003 and 23.10.2003.
www.spiegel.de, 11 March 2005

Other Electronic Resources
www.cpj.org (Committee to Protect Journalists)
www.president.kremlin.ru (President of the Russian Federation)
www.ruj.ru (Russian Federation of Journalists)
www.ttc.lv (Latvian Translation and Terminology Centre)